Site Loader

Drug Trafficking Between U.S. And South America Essay, Research Paper

Introduction

Approaching and turn toing international drug issues in 1999 is non a simple undertaking due to legion contradictions that involve the built-in nature of economic sciences, political relations, civilization, and single political orientations. The normal properties of drugs, every bit good as the altering features of these mind-altering substances, makes them the centre of complex surveies that end up bring forthing contradictory and inconclusive studies. Furthermore, confusion consequences from the survey of available literature due to moral biass and sensationalism by journalists. There is a scarceness of serious, nonsubjective research every bit good as a deficiency of dependable informations. Furthermore, discourses matching to specific economic and political involvements have masked the true nature and moral force of the drug issue by projecting it in fabulous footings.

Consequently, a conflict has emerged between United States political and economic cabals determining popular sentiments every bit good as authorities action. In the 1970? s, this struggle intensified when certain drugs became international trade goods on a expansive graduated table. Drug trafficking was born and the subsequent? drug trade motion? created economic, political, and societal reverberations among the states of the Western Hemisphere. By analyzing the establishment of drug trafficking in respect to bilateral dealingss between the United States and Mexico, one can clearly follow these same reverberations and the trouble in making successful policy to battle them.

Economic Background of Drugs and the Drug Trade

Since the beginning of human being, societies have attempted to modulate mind-altering substances, forbid them, or set up some kind of moral control over their usage, ownership, and distribution. Man has ever used them for diverse intents including thaumaturgy, faith, aphrodisiacs, medical specialty, and war ( Del Olmo 1 ) . These mind-altering substances carried no pecuniary value until state provinces began making Torahs and punishments against the ingestion and ownership of drugs. With these prohibitory Torahs steadfastly in topographic point, drugs lost their sole usage value and acquired exchange value as trade goods, capable to the Torahs of supply and demand ( Del Olmo 2 ) . Therefore, persons who realized that there was net income to be made from a steady demand for drugs, created a & # 8220 ; black market & # 8221 ; steadfastly rooted in the economic conventions of free-enterprise and capitalist economy.

Capitalism due to prohibition, so, has been a major force in the creative activity of a market for these substances, promoting them to favor place among the most profitable natural stuffs for foreign exchange. In the signifier of natural stuffs, these drugs & # 8211 ; which include heroine, cocaine, and marijuana & # 8211 ; begin as the poppy, coca, and marihuana workss severally. These workss grow good, and rapidly, in Latin American states that experience a comparatively hot, humid clime twelvemonth unit of ammunition such as Colombia, Mexico, Jamaica, Costa Rica, Ecuador, and Peru. Due to these favourable conditions conditions, Latin American husbandmans can easy reap these workss three to four times a twelvemonth and base to gain a much greater net income than many of the husbandmans who produce other regional harvests such as bananas, java, and sugar ( Economist 35 ) .

Interestingly plenty, the illegal drug trade bing between the United States and Latin America contains all of the variables involved in the economic sciences of canonic trading activity. Persons from the United States and other developed states take the function of those who demand the finished good or service, in this instance, cocaine, heroine, and marihuana. Thousands of Latin American husbandmans assume the provider function by reaping and selling the drug bring forthing workss to jobbers. These jobbers, frequently portion of powerful Mexican or Colombian drug trusts, Mafia, or guerilla groups, so bring forth the concluding consumable drug that is smuggled into the United States or other developed states where demand exists. This procedure is referred to as drug trafficking or narcotrafficking ( Monitor 16 ) .

Despite authorities functionary & # 8217 ; s knowledge that drug trafficking is an belowground economic activity, every bit good as an illegal signifier of free endeavor, it is practically impossible to transport out an economic analysis of the international drug trade. Due to changing estimations of the sums of drugs produced, refined, exported, and consumed, there is no clear manner to accurately mensurate the money made or spent on all of the different stages of drug trafficking ( Report 8 ) .

However, U.S. authorities functionaries do admit that 1000s of Latin Americans rely on the drug trade as a agency of income. For illustration, husbandmans in the Andean part in Peru crop coca and poppy workss, and so sell these natural stuffs to drug trusts, as their dominant beginning of income. The drug trusts so proceed to make 1000s of occupations for Mexican citizens in agribusiness, chemical processing, packaging, transit, accounting, and disposal in order to bring forth the finished goods that will be smuggled into the United States ( Salgado 945 ) .

Past Schemes Used to Combat Drug Trafficking

The two Republican Party disposals that wielded the power of Washington bureaucratism in the 1980 & # 8217 ; s approached the job of drug trafficking in a much different mode than it is today. Reagan and Bush? s chief policy in battling the flow of illegal drugs consisted of interdicting the substances when they foremost crossed the United States & # 8217 ; boundary line. This attack was by and large uneffective at cut downing the supply of drugs indicated by the 5 to 15 per centum of drug imports seized yearly. Furthermore, sellers effortlessly adapt to such breaks by utilizing new smuggling invention and paths ( Handbook 1 ) .

In the 1980 & # 8217 ; s, for illustration, the ill-famed Colombian Cali Cartel used the Caribbean Islands, Miami, and the environing Florida Keys as a oasis for their drug trafficking operations. It was non uncommon for federal agents to hear the sounds of & # 8220 ; coffin nail & # 8221 ; boats come ining the country tardily at dark. High-powered motor boats were common agencies of transporting the drugs from the South American production mills to Caribbean Islands to the & # 8220 ; friendly & # 8221 ; ports in Miami ( Constantine 2 ) . Federal agents finally made a figure of drug ictuss and apprehensions, and forced the trust to take immediate action. Alternatively of discouraging the trust & # 8217 ; s concern, the authorities simply forced it to travel. The Cali Cartel began transporting the majority of its drugs through Mexico. This move proved to be even more profitable for the trust, as Mexico provided a state with a 2,000 stat mi boundary line with the United States, a history of heroine and marihuana smuggling, and the being of cross-border household ties. This same relationship exists today nevertheless Mexican groups have begun to capitalise on the drug trade as good ( Requesters 3 ) .

Mexico? s Rise to Top Drug Trafficking Country in Hemisphere

Since the early portion of this decennary, drug trafficking organisations in Mexico have become more powerful as they have expanded their operations to include non merely the industry and distribution of cocaine, heroine, and marihuana, but besides Methedrines. Initially, Mexican drug trafficking organisations acted as mere conveyance agents for the more powerful Colombian trusts. Their lone undertaking was smuggling the drugs across the U.S.-Mexican boundary line. As clip passed nevertheless, the Colombian groups began sing direct resistance from the U.S. authorities. As groups of Mexicans became cardinal transporters for the Colombians, they began to demand and have a part of all drug cargos in exchange for their services. This resulted in Mexican drug trafficking groups well increasing their net incomes and deriving a bridgehead in the moneymaking illicit drug wholesale concern ( Blair 3 ) .

Harmonizing to Drug Enforcement Agency ( DEA ) functionaries, Mexican drug sellers have about become every bit powerful as the Colombian Medellin and Cali trusts were at their tallness in the 1980? s. The Mexican organisations soon control tierce of the cocaine distribution in the United States, 20 per centum of the heroine, 85 per centum of the Methedrine, and a bulk of the marihuana ( McGraw 34 ) . Soon, two groups control the bulk of drug trafficking go forthing Mexico for the United States. These groups include the Tijuana and Juarez Cartels ( McGraw 34 ) .

The Tijuana Cartel is headed by the Arellano-Felix household and controls the drugs traversing the boundary line on the West Coast between Tijuana and Mexicali. This group is thought to be highly violent, feuding with all rival drug organisations. Consequently, this competition led to the violent death of Catholic Cardinal Juan Jesus Posadas-Ocampo at the Guadalajara airdrome in 1993. This led to the indictment of several drug trust leaders including members of Tijuana Cartel ( Constantine 3 ) .

The coming of the Juarez Cartel was a direct consequence of the Colombian Cali Cartel? s death in the early 1990? s. Spearheaded by the Carillo-Fuentes household, members of the Juarez Cartel began their trafficking callings as head transporters for arrested Cali Mafia leader Miguel Caro-Quintero. The Carillo-Fuentes household owns several air hose companies, which enables them to wing 727? s full of illegal lading from Latin American providers, to their spread in Juarez. They are responsible for much of the drug distribution across the southern Texas boundary line ( Constantine 4 ) .

Unfortunately, with each passing twenty-four hours, these two powerful groups merely gain more cognition sing U.S. and Mexican anti-narcotics policies. The attempts of the U.S. authorities and the DEA in battling this hemispheric drug job is frequently deterred by the drug seller & # 8217 ; s expeditious response clip to their counternarcotics policies. Already anticipating intervention in their illegal concern, sellers build excess processing installations in instance current 1s are destroyed. Furthermore, these sophisticated drug sellers frequently stockpile excesss of their merchandise inside the United States in instance of smuggling breaks ( Boaz 58 ) .

Corruptness on All Sides

Interestingly, many employees of the U.S. boundary line patrol have late voiced concerns sing the sum of drugs that pass through imposts every twenty-four hours without being discovered. They blame this on the reluctance of Washington to prosecute the possibility that legion employees of the U.S. Customs Service, the Immigration and Naturalization Service, and the boundary line patrol have come under graft and corruptness by the wealthy and powerful Mexican narcotraffickers. Besides, Washington? s precedence of rushing up boundary line crossings has led to a disregard of the already shriveling interdiction procedure

. DEA agents experience powerless because their petitions to mount particular operations South of the boundary line? including efforts to derive information sing Mexican politicians corruptness by Mexican cartels- are denied due to the current disposal? s purpose to avoid displeasure by the authorities in Mexico City.

In late 1996, the Juarez Cartel, Mexico? s most powerful drug trafficking organisation, was revealed as the main provoker in a bribing dirt affecting Mexican drug tsar General Jesus Gutierrez Rebeollo. The undermentioned spring, farther corruptness within the Mexican authorities serviced merely yearss after President Clinton visited Mexico for the first clip during his disposal. This clip, Mexican ruling-party loyalist Jorge Caprizo MacGregor was accused of leaking U.S. Customs Intelligence studies and assisting set up a 20 ton cargo of cocaine from Colombia to Mexico aboard a oiler owned by a subcontractor of Mexico? s province oil industry ( Dettmer 10 ) . On the topic of the U.S. authoritiess naif attitude towards the corruptness incited by the Juarez based trust, one DEA agent remarked, ? We were somnambulating so and still are. Now we have to seek and vie with a trust that has an one-year income which rivals our full federal anti-drug budget? ( McGraw 41 ) .

Current U.S. Strategies Aimed at Combating Drug Trafficking

In response to the actions of the Mexico based trafficking organisations and their foster packs runing in the United States, the Federal Government has taken a figure of stairss to work with their jurisprudence enforcement spouses in Mexico, every bit good as with their province and local co-workers in the U.S. The DEA has joined forces with the Federal Bureau of Investigation ( FBI ) in a Southwest Border Initiative that targets the major Mexican trafficking organisations for enforcement actions. For the first clip, the DEA, the FBI, the Department of Justice Criminal Division ( DOJ ) , and several U.S. Attorneys in every province along the Southwest Border are organizing both intelligence and manpower resources against the Mexican drug groups. Besides, three new binational Border Task Forces have been established and will concentrate on the rule trafficking organisations. Senior forces of the DEA, FBI, and DOJ Criminal Division serve on a U.S.-Mexican Plenary Group, working to heighten cooperation against narcotics and money laundering ( Requesters 11 ) .

Today, the DEA advocates two primary methods of cut downing the supply of illicit drugs into the United States. These methods include harvest obliteration plans and interdiction of drugs at the U.S. boundary line. Crop obliteration & # 8211 ; adopted in 1993? is a plan in which the U.S. authorities and Drug Enforcement Agency ( DEA ) pressures beginning states to extinguish their illicit harvests by spraying pesticides, cut downing illegal workss, or firing provincials & # 8217 ; Fieldss. Unfortunately, this method appears to hold had small consequence on the spread of such harvests ( GAO 3 ) . Merely examine the U.S. State Department & # 8217 ; s estimates & # 8211 ; which span over a nine-year period from January of 1988 to December of 1996 & # 8211 ; sing the sum of country used for turning coca workss, the main substance used in doing cocaine. The entire country of these workss cultivated increased from 175,210 hectares to 214,800 globally, with the bulk of these workss arising in South and Central America. Equally as stunning are the estimations from the State Department sing net production of all illicit drugs over this same period of clip. Coca leaf production increased from 291,100 metric dozenss to 309,400 metric dozenss, and poppy works production grew from 2,242 metric dozenss to 4,157 metric dozenss ( Handbook 2 ) .

Despite U.S. efforts at commanding the sum of illegal harvests produced in Latin American states, the old figures show that provincial husbandmans still view illegal drug cultivation as advantageous due to the net incomes it brings. In August of 1996, near the town of Putumayo, Colombia, coca husbandmans revolted against their ain authorities & # 8217 ; s efforts to eliminate their harvests by barricading boggy roads and flight strips in which obliteration aircraft was to take off. About 30,000 peasant husbandmans showed support by opposing Colombian action straight influenced by the United States & # 8217 ; international drug enfranchisement plan and the punishments that can ensue for states in non-compliance ( Economist 35 ) .

Addressing the Question of Certification

The drug enfranchisement plan, implemented by the Reagan Administration, is a method in which the United States authorities measures other state & # 8217 ; s cooperation sing U.S. drug policy. Every March, the President releases a list of states that he and his advisers feel are dependable Alliess in the conflict against illicit drugs. These states are certified. The states excluded from the list are decertified and have compulsory punishments imposed on them including 50 per centum cutbacks in economic assistance and some trade benefits. Discretionary countenances may include the terminal of discriminatory duty intervention, bounds on air traffic between the U.S. and the decertified state, and increased responsibilities on the state & # 8217 ; s exports to the United States ( Hakim 16 ) .

In recent old ages, contention has resulted due to the United States? one-year re-certification of Mexico. Colombia, which has been decertified for four back-to-back old ages, argues that within Mexico? s authorities lie the same jobs that cause Colombia to stay decertified. Colombia might hold a valid statement. In 1997, merely hebdomads before the enfranchisement deadline, Mexico? s ( so ) top anti-drug leader was linked to bribery stemming from drug trusts. However, this did non consequence the United States? sentiment of Mexican drug policy, as the state was re-certified hebdomads subsequently ( Economist 39 ) .

Many political analysts have begun mentioning to the insurgency of graft in Mexican authorities as the? Colombianization? of Mexico, indicating to the corruptness that surrounds the operation. In add-on, it is now widely assumed that Mexican trafficking is more vigorous than that of its southern drug-producing opposite number. Unlike Colombia, nevertheless, Washington granted Mexico full enfranchisement in March of 1999 despite grounds of narcocorruption throughout the Mexican authorities ( Economist 39 ) . The incompatibility of the U.S. drug policy would likely go excessively conspicuous were Washington to endanger countenances against a spouse in the North American Free Trade Agreement. Besides, if Mexico experienced the degree of societal force seen in Colombia, for case, the United States would be straight affected. This development would surely arouse Washington? s increased engagement in Mexico? s domestic personal businesss ( Boaz 102 ) .

The United States needs to explicate a concrete method for finding standards that will set up states as certified or decertified. Two cardinal alterations are needed. First, new statute law should abandon the usage of pollexs up or hitchhike down analysis in finding enfranchisement of a state. Alternatively, analysis should concentrate on acquiring a careful, multidimensional analysis of the drug jobs confronting different states. Second, the U.S. should non maintain the counternarcotics position to itself ; it should work with other states in a forum similar to that of the United Nations ( UN ) of Organization of American States ( OAS ) . These enterprises would easy beef up hemispheric anti-drug cooperation by replacing the current procedure with high-quality describing done on a mulitlateral footing ( Hakim 16 ) .

Decision

In recent old ages, as the political and economic ties between the United States and Mexico have strengthened, a new coevals of sellers has been able to hold on a big portion of the hemispheric drug trade. These Mexican trusts have repeatedly effected the authoritiess on both sides of the boundary line turning from low-level smuggling groups to sophisticated organisations that smuggle more and more drugs of every sort into the U.S. The President of Mexico, Ernesto Zedillo, has publically stated that drug trafficking is a menace to Mexican national security, non merely because of the offense built-in with such activity, but besides because of the turning wealth that enables sellers the ability to pervert constabularies and authorities functionaries. The United States must endeavor to include other states in the procedure of making new policies sing drug trafficking. The concluding development of these new policies will necessitate a significant committedness of clip and resources to accomplish the necessary degree of success. It is imperative that the U.S. work with their spouses in Mexico to blunt the influence the drug sellers are holding in both states.

Blair, James. Mexico? s Turning Drug Cartels Seep Across U.S. Border. ? Christian Science Monitor 89, 205. 17 Sept 97: 3.

Boaz, David, erectile dysfunction. The Crisis in Drug Prohibition. Washington:

Cato Institute, 1990.

Carpenter, Ted Galen. ? Declaring An Armistice In the

International Drug War. ? CATO Institute Foreign Policy

Briefing 26. 26 July 93.

[ hypertext transfer protocol: //www.cato.org/pubs/fbriefs/fpb-026.html ]

? Coca Clashes. ? The Economist 340, 7979. 17 Aug 96: 35.

Constantine, Thomas A. ? International Drug Trafficking

Organizations in Mexico. ? DEA Congressional testiomony. 8 August 95.

Del Olmo, Rosa. ? The Geopolitics of Narcotrafficking in

Latin America. ? SocialJustice 20. Fall-Winter 93: 1-23.

Dettmer, Jamie. ? The New Mexican Mafia. ? Insight on the

News 13, 34. 15 Sept 97: 7-12.

? Drug Control? Counternarcotic Efforts in Mexico. ?

Congressional Report to Requesters. 12 June 96: 1-17.

[ hypertext transfer protocol: //www.securitymanagement.com/library/000233.html

? Drugs, Latin America, and the United States. ? The Economist

346,8054. 07 Feb 98: 38-40.

Hakim, Peter. ? U.S. Drug Certification Process Is In Serious

Need of Reform. ? Christian Science Monitor 89, 84. 27 March 97: 15-16.

McGraw, Dan. ? The American Connection. ? U.S. News & A ; World

Report 122, 7. 24 Feb 97: 40-43.

McGraw, Dan. ? The Iowan Connection: Powerful Mexican Drug

Trusts Have Hit RuralAmerica. ? U.S. News & A ; World

Report 124, 8. 2 March 98: 33-36.

? Rethinking the International Drug War. ? CATO Handbook to

105th Congress. [ http: //www.cato.org/pubs/handbook/hb105-55.html ]

Salgado, Enrique. ? Paternalism and the Narcotics

Industry. ? American BehavioralScientist 40, 7. June-

July 97: 944-950.

? U.S. , Mexico, and Drugs. ? Christian Science Monitor 90,

212. 25 Sept 98: 16.

Post Author: admin