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Should We Legalize Essay, Research Paper

Should America Legalize

The Federal Government, while seeking to protect us from our human nature, developed rough anti-drug policies with the hope of eliminating drugs. These policies seemed simple plenty: infliction of punishments on those who use substances illicitly, iterception of drugs coming from other states while stoping all drug cultivation in the States, and bar of foreign authoritiess from turning these substances. The thought of the Drug Prohibition certainly made sense: lower demand of drugs by jurisprudence enforcement, and cut down supply through domestic and international agencies. Unfortunately, the Drug Prohibition led to heavy costs, both financially and otherwise, while being uneffective, if non, at times, counterproductive. Today, people can see the unanticipated costs of the & # 8220 ; Drug Prohibition, & # 8221 ; and we should see these costs before spread outing the & # 8220 ; War on Drugs. & # 8221 ;

First, among the costs of the & # 8220 ; War on Drugs, & # 8221 ; the most obvious is pecuniary cost. The direct cost of buying drugs for private usage is $ 100 billion a twelvemonth. The federal authorities spends at least $ 10 billion a twelvemonth on drug enforcement plans and spends many one million millions more on drug-related offenses and penalty. The estimated cost to the United States for the & # 8220 ; War on Drugs & # 8221 ; is $ 200 billion a twelvemonth or an outstanding $ 770 per individual per twelvemonth, and that figure does non include the money spent by province and local authorities in this & # 8220 ; war & # 8221 ; ( Evans and Berent, eds. seventeen ) .

The 2nd cost of this & # 8220 ; war & # 8221 ; is chance costs. America has two resources which are limited prison cells and jurisprudence enforcement. When more drug offenses take up jurisprudence enforcement & # 8217 ; s clip and when more drug felons take up cells, less ability to contend other offense exists. In 1994, jurisprudence enforcement arrested some 750,000 people on drug charges, and of those 750,000, 600,000 were charged simply with ownership. Sixty per centum of the prison population are drug wrongdoers ( Wink ) . The constabulary must work to happen these 35 million & # 8220 ; felons, & # 8221 ; thereby wash uping their resources. In major urban centres, the figure of drug discourtesies brought to test are outstanding. In Washington in 1994, 52 % of all indictments were drug related as opposed to 13 % in 1981 ( Evans and Berent, eds. 21 ) . All facets of our legal system are being exhausted on drugs when it could be used more efficaciously on other felonies or focused on forestalling kids from purchasing drugs.

Another two legal facets of Drug Prohibition are interesting since they show how the & # 8220 ; Prohibition & # 8221 ; is non merely uneffective, but besides counterproductive. The first of which is the fact that the illegality of drugs leads to immense net incomes for drug traders and sellers. Ironically, the Drug Prohibition benefits most the drug sellers and traders as monetary values are pushed good above cost ( Evans and Berent, eds. 22 ) . The 2nd facet of the & # 8220 ; Drug Prohibition & # 8221 ; that undermines jurisprudence enforcement is the demand for drug users to perpetrate personal belongings offenses. One-third of the people arrested for burglary and robbery said that they stole merely to back up their wont, and about 75 % of personal belongings offenses were committed by drug maltreaters. Surveies besides suggest that these people, when placed on outpatient drug therapy or sold drugs at a lower monetary value commit much less offense ( Duke ) . Even the DEA admits that, & # 8220 ; Drug usage was common among inmates functioning clip for robbery, burglary, and drug discourtesies & # 8221 ; ( & # 8221 ; Crime, Violence & # 8221 ; ) .

Drug Prohibition has been really dearly-won, damaging to our dealingss with other states, and harmful to users and society likewise. All this while seeking to conflict an enemy who is non every bit unsafe as it is presently believed by most of the American populace. The unpleasantries of the history of Drug Prohibition besides show us how the populace has been mislead through Prohibition. Many of these disagreeable Acts of the Apostless were non fortunes of Drug Prohibition, instead ends of it, whether it was understood or non.

The United States & # 8217 ; image in Latin America has been unstable about from its birth. The image of the American purpose on ruling the New World plays in the heads of our neighbours. Recently, though, the state of affairs is interesting since the states involved are turning less and less self-satisfied to cover with the losingss of sovereignty that they are incurring. Drug Prohibition non merely plays out on the American phase, but is a focal point of US dealingss with the states of Latin America. So, as each of these states has to pay the costs of Yankee Imperialism, the tenseness between neighbours is increasing.

The first of the tensenesss comes from Colombia. Unfortunately, our campaign against drugs has given start to the celebrated trusts of South America and, particularly, those of Colombia. Many wonder if people are justified in seting force per unit area on these states merely to decelerate the drug trade. The deceases of 1000s of guiltless Colombians were the consequence of our actions in these states ( Evans and Berent, eds. 58 ) . The growing of the trusts, particularly the Cali trust, has led to political corruptness in that state. & # 8220 ; The President [ Ernesto Samper ] was said to hold taken money from drug sellers so that the authorities would halt other groups from exporting cocaine. Because of the jobs South American states have faced because of Drug Prohibition, Colombia & # 8217 ; s Nobel Prize winning writer Gabriel Garc? a M? rquez has written a pronunciamento declaring the drug war as & # 8220 ; useless & # 8221 ; ( 15 ) .

Action abroad by the United States has besides led to an addition in insurgent organisations worldwide. Civil war is presently being threatened in Bolivia by a coca-growing brotherhood. The group, which feels that the Bolivian authorities has been excessively unfastened to challenges in sovereignty, is contending & # 8220 ; Yankee Imperialism & # 8221 ; and command by the DEA of a coca-growing part ( Epstein 1 ) . In Colombia and Peru, groups like the Communist Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia ( Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia ) and Sendero Luminoso ( Shining Path ) , both Communist groups, that survive on drug money lead such Acts of the Apostless as nobbling foreign visitants, taking bombardments on American concerns in the state, and trying to destruct establishments of authoritiess friendly to the United States ( Spiegel 480 ) . This corruption of authorities can even make our beauracracy as the CIA is rumored to hold allowed the Nicaraguan Contras to sell drugs in the US to fund their revolution against the Sandinistas ( & # 8221 ; CIA & # 8221 ; 20 ) .

Therefore, in South America, our continuity on Drug Prohibition has non merely been unable to forestall the farther imports of drugs, but besides could take to the installing of Communist governments in the country. Since the other costs of Drug Prohibition has its base domestically, the conversation will turn to rights and autonomies which help to explicate why the drug war is non American and why it might non be effectual. This requires a treatment on the function of authorities.

The ultimate terminal of authorities is to protect our rights. We have entered a societal contract with our authoritiess that we will give our obeisance and revenue enhancements in return for protection of our rights. The United Nations classifies these rights in three & # 8220 ; coevalss & # 8221 ; : civil, socioeconomic, and solidarity rights ( Peterson ) . Shielding our people from the dangers of a baleful universe, hence, seems to be an appropriate usage of the province & # 8217 ; s power under socioeconomic rights. The danger in believing in this mode is that it overlooks the single & # 8217 ; s parts to the state. These parts, either positive or negative, are by and large hard to modulate by wide statute law. At times, statute law can be counterproductive, seeking zealously to protect one right by go againsting many others.

In the former USSR people saw what can go on when authorities begins to implement positive autonomy. Positive autonomy is different from what one normally think of as autonomy, which is negative autonomy. A negative autonomy is one like the First Amendment which keeps the authorities from making something, viz. restricting your rights to speech and faith. A positive autonomy is one which forces the authorities to supply some service to its citizens. An illustration of a positive autonomy is the authorities & # 8217 ; s duty to protect our unalienable rights. The danger with spread outing positive autonomies is that it gives authorities a more active function in People & # 8217 ; s rights. For that ground most would believe that authorities should non give itself excessively many positive autonomies as did the Soviet Union ( Peterson ) . Drug Prohibition is an illustration of a positive autonomy because it gives the authorities the spell in front to make what it must to give us a drug-free America. However, the questionshould be asked: is it deserving maintaining Drug Prohibition as a positive autonomy when it infringes upon both our negative and positive autonomies, non the least of which are life and autonomy? U. S. District Judge William W. Schwarzer helped explicate this when he said stoping drug usage is useless & # 8220 ; if in the procedure we lose our psyche & # 8221 ; ( Trebach and Inciardi 29 ) . Today he might state & # 8220 ; since & # 8221 ; alternatively of & # 8220 ; if & # 8221 ; since the unfairness and the cost on society of Prohibition is already good ingrained into our society.

There could be two possible accounts for Drug Prohibition: protecting people from harming themselves, or desiring people to avoid drugs because extended drug usage injuries society. Advocates of Drug Prohibition believe one or both of these grounds is equal for go oning Prohibition. The first is based on the people & # 8217 ; s right to life, and the second is based on the right for chase of felicity. However, there are false beliefs in both statements, as will be shown.

Before one can acknowledge that our concluding for Drug Prohibition is incorrect, people must happen a better option. The solution proposed in this essay is one of set uping free markets both internationally and domestically. The advocates of drug decriminalisation have basic premises about what would ensue from a free market. For now, the focuswill be on what advocates of drug legalisation think the deductions of a free drug market would be for the single users. These premises are that illegal drugs are non every bit unsafe as legal drugs and that the decriminalisation of drugs will non greatly increase the figure of drug nuts.

First, most illegal drugs are non every bit unsafe as believed, and those that are genuinely unsafe will be avoided. This is indispensable to the statement for decriminalisation since people do non wish to hold a big figure of people die from a policy. However, if compared to the figure of people who die yearly from & # 8220 ; appropriate & # 8221 ; drugs to that of the figure of people who die yearly from illicit drugs, it would be inconsistent to believe of the illicit drugs as unsafe. For illustration, 60 million Americans have tried marihuanas and non one of these 60 million have died of an overdose. If this is compared to the 10,000 people who die yearly from on intoxicant, one can presume that marihuana is much less unsafe than intoxicant. Besides, many drugs have minor side-effects when compared to acceptable drugs. One illustration, diacetylmorphine, is extremely habit-forming, but when used in a clean environment with clean acerate leafs, its worst side consequence is irregularity ( Evans and Berent, eds. 24 ) . Overall, while 35 million people use drugs each twelvemonth in the United States, merely 6,000 to 30,000 of all time dice of drug usage ; hence, there is small ground to see illicit drugs as a great danger to the person, sing our sentiments of intoxicant and baccy ( Wink ) .

Another premise of drug decriminalisation is that there will non be a big addition in the figure of people who abuse drugs. If many people were likely to go nuts, there would be good ground non to travel through with drug decriminalisation. While both decriminalizationists and dries agree that the legalisation of drugs will take to more people utilizing drugs, decriminalizationists believe that there would non be a big addition in drug maltreatment. This belief stems from a survey of the difference between the drug usage and maltreatment between hapless urbans and well-offs. The survey states that the per centum of hapless urbans utilizing drugs is much higher than the per centum of well-offs who used drugs. To believe that increased usage leads to increase maltreatment, the per centum of hapless, urban nuts should be higher than the per centum of well-off nuts. The consequence, nevertheless, was contrary to this belief, since the per centums of nuts in both groups was about equal. What this implies is that an addition in users does non interpret to an addition in nuts ( Evans and Berent, eds. 239 ) .

Thomas J. Gorman, Deputy Chief of the California Attorney General & # 8217 ; s Bureau of Narcotic Enforcement, in his study & # 8220 ; The Myths of Drug Legalization & # 8221 ; uses bizarre statistics from & # 8220 ; experts & # 8221 ; to frighten the reader into believing that legalisation & # 8220 ; could take to the ruin of the United States as we know it. & # 8221 ; He uses Dr. H. Kelbrs averment that legalisation could take to a quintuple addition in drug usage ( ? Myths & # 8217 ; ) . Comparing this type of addition in drug usage and the thought that 35 million people now use drugs, the decision would be that 165 million people would be drug users in the United States. Sing the United States has merely 200 million people over age 12, believing that such a high figure of people would utilize drugs is were legal 50 million people ( 1/4 the over 12 population ) would utilize marijuana on a regular basis and that 60 million ( about 1/3 the over twelve population ) would utilize cocaine on a regular basis ( ? Myths & # 8217 ; ) . These statistics are chilling, but they are merely non possible. They are non possible because they would connote that one out of every three people over age 12 walking down the street would go & # 8220 ; regular cocaine provinces, without account, that 70-75 % of illicit drug users become addicted ( ? Myths & # 8217 ; ) . Merely three per centum of the users of cocaine that presently has 12.2 million users yearly, use cocaine one time a hebdomad, and merely 3.7 % of users said that they tried to discontinue, but couldn & # 8217 ; t. If the premise is that all 200 million Americans over 12 in the United States would utilize cocaine if it were legal, so about 7.4 million people could non discontinue if they wanted to ( Berent and Evans, eds. 24 ) .

Many Dries point to experiments on rats which imply that many rats, when allowed entree to cocaine, would prefer to utilize the cocaine over feeding. The job with the experiment, nevertheless, was that the rats were left isolated in coops. A similar experiment in which they placed rats in more societal environments found that rats consumed 16 times less cocaine than the lone rats. Besides, the rats wouldn & # 8217 ; t utilize the cocaine at all until the scientists made it really sweet with

sugar, a gustatory sensation rats can non defy ( Trebach and Inciardi 37-38 ) . Besides, Prohibitionists argue that before drugs were criminalized that 4.59 per 1,000 United states citizens were nuts. This implies two things: that when dependence was worst in the United States 99.6 per centum of the people were non addicted to a drug, and that if a return to these rates of dependences if drug Prohibition were repealed, so about one million people would be addicted, a clear contradiction to the claim that 70-75 % of drug users become addicted ( Trebach and Inciardi 49 ) .

Prohibition does non forestall a big figure of people from harming themselves, but while non assisting users, the wellness of these persons is put in hazard. First, the illegalities of drugs make the drugs themselves more insecure. For illustration, marihuana is laced with insecure fertilisers. Besides, when cocaine and diacetylmorphine users receive an unexpected potent dosage, they may kill themselves when the same sum of a regulated dosage would hold given the coveted consequence ( Evans and Berent, eds. 22 ) . Another result of prohibition on the person could besides be considered a concern of society since the spread of AIDS affects both groups. The transportation of AIDS through acerate leafs needed most normally during the usage of diacetylmorphine has become the most common mode in which the disease presently spreads. The intervention and bar of the people who get AIDS from diacetylmorphine usage can non be effectual so long as users are being persecuted by jurisprudence enforcement ( Trebach and Inciardi 35-36 ) .

The deductions of these two beliefs of advocates of decriminalisation are imperative to defence of the person. & # 8220 ; Defense of the single & # 8221 ; means the protection of users and maltreaters from themselves. If drugs are non every bit unsafe as presently legal drugs, dependence does non significantly increase and the wellness of the users suffers, so advocates of Drug Prohibition have no evidences on which to state that legalisation would take to 1000000s of deceases and dependences inflicted on drug users by themselves. The United States needs to reconsider its position of drugs as taking to the ineluctable ruin of the single and alternatively as the pick of people with societal jobs to avoid them.

In contrast with the defence of the person, how Drug Prohibition does non protect society, but alternatively harms it will finish the concatenation of false beliefs that plague advocates & # 8217 ; statements. To protect society, it should be that its citizens should someway be better off. This is non true as the most expensive cost of the & # 8220 ; Drug Prohibition & # 8221 ; is the personal cost carried by the citizens. In the metropoliss, these costs are manifested in slayings over & # 8220 ; turf & # 8221 ; or & # 8220 ; concern, & # 8221 ; fright of walking the streets, robberies, and female parents go forthing kids to prosecute their expensive dependences ( Wink ) . Advocates of & # 8220 ; Drug Prohibition & # 8221 ; must inquire themselves this inquiry: & # 8220 ; Would you be willing to give your boy ( girl, best friend ) to maintain drug users from aching themselves? & # 8221 ; The ground I would hold them to believe of this is that their kids are non the 1s deceasing on the street from a drive-by-shooting. A celebrated economic expert Milton Friedman one time said of the Drug Prohibition, & # 8220 ; While both groups of victims are to be pitied, the guiltless victims certainly have a far better claim to our understanding than the self-chosen victims & # 8221 ; ( Evans and Berent, eds. 58 ) . By analyzing the universe around them oppositions of Drug Prohibition believe legalisation will take to less offense and violent behaviour, less racism, and the terminal of the violation of certain rights.

It is clear that Prohibition has a manus in each of these social jobs. Crime would be greatly decreased which repeatedly appears high on studies as the biggest job America faces, if legalisation were to go on. Much of the concern about drugs and offense is that the usage of drugs somehow causes offense. These surveies are normally faulted by the effort to label a cause on correlate informations. While it is true that people who commit offenses frequently use drugs every bit good, it can non be said that the usage of drugs causes the offense. Alternatively, many experts claim that much of what is labeled & # 8220 ; drug-related & # 8221 ; offense is alternatively due to criminalism.

This criminalism of drugs is a causal factor in offense because of the high costs to consumers and high net incomes for providers. The market monetary values for marihuana, cocaine, and diacetylmorphines are about 100 times what the monetary value would be in a free market. This means offense consequences from consumers seeking to fund their artificially-expensive wont and providers seeking to protect their highly high net incomes. Drug users committed about 75 % of robberies, larcenies, and burglaries. These? felons & # 8217 ; make non perpetrate as many offenses when drugs are available to them at lower monetary values. On the other manus, one in four slayings and assaults involve providers protecting sod, settling differences, or stealing drugs ( Duke ) . PCP, one of the most feared drugs, does non motivate aggressiveness or violent behaviour, as antecedently believed ( Miller 57 ) . Dr. Lawrence Kolb, helper sawbones general of the United States in the 1920s said after a survey of 225 addicted captives, & # 8220 ; No opiate of all time straight influenced nuts to perpetrate offense. & # 8220 ; Violent offense by drug users is rare. A low per centum ( 7.5 % ) of homicides affecting drugs were classified in a manner that implied that the drugs had driven the user to slaying. The other 92.5 % of violent offense by drug users could be expected to vanish one time drugs were legalized and the instances involved in the 7.5 % would be expected to go more common as drug usage increased ( Trebach and Inciardi 120 ) . Nevertheless, for there to be an tantamount figure of drug-related homicides, the figure of people driven by drugs to perpetrate slaying would hold to increase by ten-fold. One illustration is New York City, where about of six of 414 studied slayings were caused by drug usage ( Miller 58 ) .

Two societal jobs people tie together are offense and racism. Therefore, Drug Prohibition must play a function in racism since it plays a cardinal function in offense. Research workers can demo that the more efficient the & # 8220 ; War on Drugs & # 8221 ; gets, the more racism that incurs. Black males 15- 24 had a homicide rate nine times higher than white males in the same group. This high rate of black-on-black offense has two unfortunate consequences: foremost, the black victims, of class, and 2nd, the fright of inkinesss by many Whites. A racialist individual would indicate to this big disagreement between black and white homicide rates as some kind of an lower status ( Trebach and Inciardi 34 ) . The sad world is that Prohibition has created much of this disagreement. The analogy between selling drugs and stealing diamonds shows why this difference might be. If the decease punishment were applied to people who stole diamonds, it would deter people from stealing diamonds since the value of the diamonds did non increase. However, if the decease punishment were applied to drug traders, there would still be an inducement to sell drugs since the ability to have net income from covering drugs would increase. The difference would so be that the people who had really small to lose hold even more incentive to cover drugs. These people who have small to lose are disproportionally inkinesss or Hispanics. These forces drive many people into the most detested places of society ( Trebach and Inciardi 35 ) .

Besides, the drug Torahs in the yesteryear have been and go on to be tools of racism. In 1930, before the authorities had implemented many of the tools of Drug Prohibition, a Colorado newspaper editor wrote, & # 8220 ; I wish I could demo you what a little marijuana cigaret [ sic ] can make to one of our debauched Spanish-speaking residents. & # 8221 ; However, more of the bitterness of Mexicans seemed to be because Mexican labour was willing to work for lower rewards thereby bring forthing fright in Anglos over their pocketbooks. The lone tool they could utilize to maintain Mexican labour out of the market was the drug Torahs ( Miller 98-99 ) . During the 1950s, many topographic points had Torahs against dependence. Due to the nature of dependence, constabulary could and did utilize this as an alibi to hassle African-Americans and Hispanics ( Miller 101 ) . This likewise happened to the Chinese and opium, a drug antecedently used by many Anglos ( Miller 104 ) . One could see how this could reassign into today as many minorities complain about selective prosecution, which is apprehensible sing the racial undertones of the original Drug Prohibition.

Since the interior metropoliss receive a far greater portion of the offense and racism involved with Drug Prohibition, it is much more hard for a rural citizen to understand what these ordinances do to the metropoliss, but one facet of the Drug Prohibition that does harm to all of us by go againsting our civil autonomies. A authorities which calls 35 million of its citizens felons for actions which are within the range of civil autonomies is, thereby, go againsting civil autonomies. Government is supposed to let us to make what the people wish if they do non interfere with others ( Evans and Berent, eds. 58 ) . With drugs, many advocates of drug decriminalisation claim that few users when allowed to utilize drugs in a free market would harm anyone. The authorities has besides gone beyond this misdemeanor of civil autonomies into the go againsting the democratic procedure by hushing treatment of the issue. No committee has of all time been held on the issue. Since the authorities does non look into the issue, this suggests that the authorities wishes to stay incognizant of the issue ( Evans and Berent, eds. 202 ) . Besides, many pieces of statute law such as H.R. 135 are really undemocratic. The measure asks that & # 8220 ; no section or bureau of the United States Government shall carry on or finance, in whole or in portion, any survey or research affecting the legalisation of drugs & # 8221 ; ( H.R. 135 ) . This sort of statute law censoring research of the issue is, at least, chilling. If the fact that enforcement strains hapless international dealingss, undue cost on public wellness, offense, and racism is bad, the fact that the authorities is conflicting our rights every twenty-four hours because of Drug Prohibition is flagitious and threatens our freedom. Drug users are non the lone 1s shouting out for their rights in this war. Even Supreme Court Justice Thurgood Marshall called many constabularies & # 8220 ; the drug exclusion to the Constitution. & # 8221 ; For illustration, one drug policy is that imposts functionaries can confine people for no less than 24 hours and non let go of them until they agree to stool in the testers presence, they allow the fecal matters to be examinated, and no hints of drug appear. These hunts can be done without ground to believe guilt even without any grounds at all ( Trebach and Inciardi 26 ) .

Enforcing Drug Prohibition requires invasions into the place since drug usage is by and large something done in the place ( Trebach and Inciardi 26 ) . In another instance in Illinois, a twosome was traveling on holiday to Florida. An informant told the constabulary section that they were traveling to Florida to purchase drugs. The job was that this was non the usual source that the constabulary picks up from clip to clip. This source was wholly anon. , even unknown to the investigators. The strong belief was upheld though most the grounds sprouted from the anon. , unseeable source associated with the Soviet Union ( Trebach and Inciardi 28-29 ) . Finally, the act of forfeiture is highly flagitious. If, for illustration, two childs were smoking marihuana on your belongings, the constabulary could take all your belongings. Even if no charges are brought up against you, you must travel to tribunal and turn out your complete artlessness ( non merely sensible uncertainty ) to repossess your belongings from the authorities. One-half of all people who forfeit their belongings ne’er acquire charged ( Trebach and Inciardi 32 ) .

How Drug Prohibition has non been good to society now holding been demonstrated completes the long twine of jobs that have stemmed from Drug Prohibition in the kingdom of international dealingss and public wellness show where the costs appeared without any consideration holding been given to benefits. In contrast, when the benefits were considered, as was the instance on the issues refering the drug user and society, the benefits did non pan out or were non as of import in the first topographic point as the costs that have resulted have been.

Clearly, Drug Prohibition harms international dealingss. However, one may non be so willing to accept that it has the profound effects on public wellness and social jobs. Looking back upon Alcohol Prohibition, intoxicant was considered as the worst immorality, as drugs are now. In both instances, the fright about the belittling of society was non good founded. The wellness of the users suffered as they would imbibe stronger and stronger intoxicant as to maintain the volume transported. Besides, the unregulated contraband was more unsafe than it would hold been. Alcohol Prohibition besides created offense as Drug Prohibition does as people can see in the visual aspect of the Mafias like Al Capone which turned Chicago into a metropolis troubled with offense. The same calls for protection of rights were being heard as the FBI was seen occupying our rights.

Our history demonstrates the immoralities of prohibition. One should inquire why people would be willing to contend the righteous battle once more when it is neither righteous nor possible. Besides, public sentiment is curious given some facts. First, Alcohol Prohibition was dissolved by popular sentiment because of offense, yet people continue to back up Drug Prohibition although it creates similar offense. Second, the continued support of politicians who support Prohibition even though non one has given a originative solution, or at least, one that has non been tried before. Finally, it is unusual that people can non see through the jobs associated with drugs and non see they are due to Prohibition and non utilize itself. If the drugs were sold at what would be the market monetary value, the people who steal and rob would non hold any ground to steal, or at least would hold to steal less frequently to back up their now cheaper wont. The people who have become the & # 8220 ; evil public assistance female parents & # 8221 ; who waste all their authorities money on drugs alternatively of caring for their kids could non waste all their cherished money on drugs because they would be so inexpensive their would be no ground to. All of these awful jobs if non created by Prohibition, were greatly intensified by Prohibition. The terminal of drug Torahs would tag a ne’er before seen betterment in the lives of every citizen. It is unfortunat thatour politicians, and even ourselves are excessively obstinate to even see it.

& # 8220 ; CIA, Contras, and Crack. & # 8221 ; The Christian Science Monitor. 1 Oct.


& # 8220 ; Crime, Violence, and Drug Use Go Hand-in-Hand. & # 8221 ; On-line. World Wide Web.

hypertext transfer protocol: // 27 Aug. 1996.

Duke, Steven B. & # 8220 ; How Legalizat

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