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There is voluminous literature sing the topic of the naming of genital organ ( Braun & A ; Kitzinger, 2001 ; Cameron, 1992 ; Allan & A ; Burridge, 1991 ; Weijts, Houtccop, & A ; Mullen, 1993 ) , sing the common subject that the naming of genital organ is a tabu topic. Furthermore there is old research detailing how female genital organ is seen as more forbidden and unmentionable of the two ( Allan & A ; Burridge, 1991 ; Jespersen, 1992 ) . There has common subjects been found such as derogatory words being used immensely for the “ vagina ” ( Braun & A ; Kitzinger, 2001 ) , and words of authorization and “ adoration ” been used smartly for the “ phallus ” ( Cameron, 1992 ) .

The intent of this research therefore is to happen out if these subjects still exist, presuming they do, and if they still exist in immature people in Northern Ireland and to update current footings used for genital organ by immature people in Northern Ireland.

Male and female genital organs are considered widely to be unmentionable and tabu. ( Cameron, 1992 ; Braun & A ; Kitzinger, 2001 ; Allan & A ; Burridge, 1991 ; Weijts, Houtccop, & A ; Mullen, 1993 )

More specifically it is the female genital organ that is considered absolutely unmentionable, with some old surveies demoing merely 7 % of respondents ( 10 % , 5 % of adult females ) considered the vagina a organic structure portion that is freely mentionable ( Allan & A ; Burridge, 1991 ) . A more recent study found that 53 % of adult females “ felt some uncomfortableness utilizing the word vagina ” ( Bulletin, 1994, p.10 ) . Women and gynecologists have been shown to barely of all time convey up the word vagina ( or even a equivalent word ) during gynecological audiences ( Weijts, Houtccop, & A ; Mullen, 1993 ) . “ Vagina ” in the World English Dictionary is defined as, “ the damp canal in most female mammals, including worlds, that extends from the neck of the womb to an external gap between the labia minora ” , whereas the phallus is defined, “ the male organ of sexual intercourse in higher craniates, besides used for urine elimination in many mammals. ” ( The World English Dictionary ) . The fact that the “ phallus ” is defined as an “ organ ” and the “ vagina ” as “ the damp canal in most female mammals ” shows that female genital organ is utterly tabu.

Although both female and genital organs are both forbidden old research shows that the female genital organ are more out of the two ( Braun & A ; Kitzinger, 2001 ) . Womans are by and large more uncomfortable speaking about their private parts than work forces ( Bulletin, 1994 ) .

Although the phallus is forbidden, it is taboo in a different manner ( Bulletin, 1994 ) . Previous research has shown that work forces name their phallus because they take pride in their phallus, they put it on a mental base raising it above all else. ( Boonstra, 2009, A Step-by-Step Guide to Naming Your Penis and Testicles, Points in Case Articles ) , there is really small if any derogatory words if any for the “ phallus ” ( Cameron, 1992 ; Braun & A ; Kitzinger, 2001 ) , whereas for the vagina there are many ( Braun & A ; Kitzinger, 2001 ) . The linguist Jespersen commented in 1922 that “ adult females… are diffident of adverting certain parts of the human organic structure and certain natural maps by the direct and frequently rude denominations which work forces… prefer among themselves ” ( p.245 ) . There is considerable research that backs up Jespersen ‘s study ( Murnen, in imperativeness ; Braun & A ; Kitzinger, 2001 ; Jay, 1980 ; Simkins & A ; Rink, 1982 ) .

Taboo subjects tend to bring forth many slang looks ( McAtrhur, 19920 ) , and these have been thought as working to defy oppressive norms that deny voice to certain groups of people and render some topics indefinable ( e.g. , Hughes, 1992 ; McArthur, 1992 ; Jay, 2009 ) . There is old research with copiousness of assortments of slang looks for male and female genital parts ( e.g. Cameron, 1992 ; Cornog, 1981 ; Ritcher, 1987 ; Braun & A ; Kitzinger, 2001 ) . Some records reference endless slang looks for “ vagina ” and for “ phallus, ” pulling on “ every conceivable facet of the visual aspect, location, maps, and effects of the genital organ ” ( Allan, 1990, p. 161 ) . Women nevertheless have been found less likely than work forces to bring forth footings for their ain genital organ ( or work forces ‘s genital organ ) , and are likely to bring forth inoffensive footings ( Sanders & A ; Robinson, 1979 ) , and are more apt to describe utilizing proper footings for genital organ, across different interpersonal backgrounds ( Simkins & A ; Rinck, 1982 ) . Work force have correspondingly been found to describe utilizing more derogative footings for both male and female genitalias than adult females ( Muren, in Press ) .

Kapsalis ( 1997 ) refers to the vagina to be at the same time rendered “ sacred ” and “ profane ” -as something tabu, private, non talked about: and as something populace, displayed in gynecology and erotica. Men ‘s genitalias are besides sacred and profane ( Bordo, 1999 ) , although non wholly the same manner as adult females ‘s genitalias.

Coy or inoffensive footings, such as down at that place, private ( private parts ) , and fork, “ strengthen the position that a adult female ‘s genital organs are something cryptic, obscure and tabu: ‘eclipsed ‘ through the turning away of calling ” ( Ussher, 1989, p. 20 ) . Others, such as bitch, fathead, and bit, are considered to be derogative, “ names of hatred ” ( Greer, 1986, p. 77 ) , in which “ the mystery and enigma are replaced by more explicit, derogatory footings ” ( Usher, 1989, p. 20 ) , more frequently used by males than females ( Murnen, in imperativeness ) , which sexualise adult females ‘s genital organ from a heterosexual male position ( Mills, 1995 ) .

Work force ‘s genital organ is frequently elevated and put on a base with words such as, his Excellency, your stateliness and Excalibur ( Cameron, 1992 ) , being used. From past research the “ phallus ” is about described as about superior to the vagina when you compare the many derogatory footings for the vagina, such as, “ bitch ” , “ fathead ” , “ malodor trench ” ( Braun & A ; Kitzinger, 2001 ) , to the contrasted authorization footings for the “ phallus ” such as, “ the Chief ” , ” the Commissioner ” and “ Rod of Lordship ” ( Cameron, 1992 ) . Work force ‘s genital organ is frequently personalised and made out to be an authorization figure ( Cameron, 1998 ) , whereas adult females ‘s genital organ is frequently used in a derogatory sense ( Braun & A ; Kitzinger, 2001 ) , and made into a euphemism as so non to be named ( McConville & A ; Shearlaw, 1984, p. 11 ) .

Slang footings and looks serve a intent as to allow people pass on subjects that are normally seen as tabu, “ forbidden words can pass on emotion information ( choler, defeat ) more readily than non-taboo words, leting talkers to accomplish a assortment of personal and societal ends with them ” ( Jay, 2009 ) . Harmonizing to Gibs and Nagoka ( 1985 ) , “ the usage of slang metaphors permits talkers to non merely convey specific propositional information, but besides some indicant of their attitudes towards this information ” ( p. 178 ) . “ Wells ( 1989 ) asked college pupils to name the sexual term ( e.g. , for oral-genital contact ) they would utilize in different contexts ( e.g. , with parent, lover, or in assorted company ) . Technical footings were preferred for assorted crowds and with parents. Sexual lewdnesss were reserved for same sex crowds and “ with my lover ” contexts ” ( Jay, 200 ) . Slang footings and euphemisms such as “ the birds and the bee ‘s ” are frequently needed for parents to pass on personal and slightly forbidden subjects with their kids as they are frequently uncomfortable speaking about sexual issues sum them ( Berges, Neiderbach, Rubin, Sharpe, & A ; Tesler, 1983 ; Jay et al. , 2006 ) . Slang evokes intending pulling on the shared cultural cognition of the users ( McAthur, 1992 ) , and slang footings for male and female genital organ would so be expected to encode thought ‘s about male and female organic structures and their position/place in the universe. As slang is a mostly spoken and dynamic linguistic communication ( Coobs, Chopra, Schenk, & A ; Yutan, 1993 ; McArthur, 1992 ) it evolves to run into the demands and state of affairss of the minute ( e.g. , Hummon, 1994 ) .

“ Feminist observers on linguistic communication have noted in many contexts that the universe has been ‘named ‘ from a male-dominant position and that lexicogrammatical characteristics in linguistic communications frequently reveal of import implicit in cultural ( male ) premises. Some women’s rightists, following the theories of Benjamin Lee Whorf, believes these characteristics are non merely contemplations of a hapless societal world but mechanisms whereby that world is continually natuarlized and reproduced ( Spender, 1980 ; Elgin, 1985 ) , ” ( Cameron, 1992, Naming of Partss: Gender, Culture, and Footings for the Penis among American college pupils, p. 367 ) .

The purpose of the current research is to roll up current slang footings for female and genital organ from immature Northern Irish people in order to entree the scope of venereal slang footings presently available ; besides with the difference and regular findings in the naming of male and female genital organ, such as derogatory words used immensely for vagina, used more normally by males ( etc. Braun & A ; Kitzinger ) , and words of power and “ adoration ” used widely for phallus ( etc. Cameron, 1992 ) , has civilization adapted so that both sexes now use broad fluctuations of derogatory words? Or, in contrast is euphemisms and formal diction used more preponderantly by females ( Sanders & A ; Robinson, 1979 ) , being adapted into both sexes? ; And furthermore to happen out if the phallus is given authorization names and set on a base ( ( Boonstra, 2009, A Step-by-Step Guide to Naming Your Penis and Testicles, Points in Case Articles ) , by lone males or both males and females by immature pupils in Northern Ireland.

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